Wednesday, June 16, 2004
Champions!
What can I say, it's about time a team with real drive and heart beat the paycheck Lakers, a.k.a. the Kobe Shaq duo. I watched the game in downtown Royal Oak, and everything got nuts after they won. People were in the streets, cheering, giving high fives. At one point the police had to march down the street with horses in order to open it for traffic. Not to mention the people in their cars, some were standing out of sunroofs, or hanging out of rear hatches. All in all it was a great time. And no Jimmy Kimmel, we didn't burn Detroit to the ground. Things really are shaping up around Detroit, especially with the Superbowl on its way in 2006. I am proud of the Pistons, and I am proud of the city.
Wednesday, June 09, 2004
Why Pistons Why
For those of you who missed it, the Pistons lost tonight in OT after Kobe scored a 3 pointer with 2 seconds left. Man am I disappointed. Ohh well.
Jacqui said it best, "Kobe may have gotten that three today...but he'll be getting three to five pretty soon."
Jacqui said it best, "Kobe may have gotten that three today...but he'll be getting three to five pretty soon."
Saturday, June 05, 2004
The Whoring of the Scientific Process
Having finished my last undergraduate class Friday, I have to say that I am somewhat disillusioned regarding the methods employed when teaching modern science. Far too much emphasis is placed on memorization, whereas the major concepts are what stick over time. One example I can think of was when we were required to memorize the periodic table in one of my upper-level chemistry courses. And I don't mean knowing what symbols correspond to what names, but actually memorize the entire thing, to the extent that we could reproduce it from memory. This involved not only knowing some 115 elements, but also their exact order and position. Although this wasn't an especially difficult task, it probably took me about an hour total, it was absolutely worthless because all I did was regurgitate the memorized information and forget it. I would say a week later I couldn't tell you any more than I could before I memorized it. Time wasted on such fruitless efforts would be much more usefully understanding the big concepts or the history of the table itself. I mean, it is a table for a reason, something to be referenced. I have found this to be especially true in my biochemistry course where we are required to remember hundreds of enzyme names and compound structures. Names like B-ketoacyl-CoA thiolase or glutamate dehydrogenase, or countless others. Because, in the end I am going to need to look them up anyways, regardless whether I spent time trying to memorize them now. Instead of focusing on the minutiae, understanding the interplay of different metabolic processes would have a much more important and had a longer lasting impact. Also, too much emphasis is being placed on grades, as opposed to teaching the scientific process. Nothing makes me more angry than when students feel pressured to doctor the results of their laboratory experiments because they know the professor will penalize them for not having the "right" values. Such fear embeds the idea in these students heads that there is a correct result, which couldn't be farther from the truth. Because in real science, results are unpredictable, even in sound and repeatable experiments. More important than getting the same thing every time is having the ability to understand what might have changed the final outcome. More importantly, these students today, will be tomorrow's scientists. Many of them will be performing ground breaking experiments that will pave the way for future pharmaceuticals, technology, and change. However, if they allow their predictions to color their results, the only outcome will be a continuation of the bad science they were taught. If one looks back on the history of scientific discovery, they will see many examples where unusual results gave way to unbelievable discoveries. Discoveries that affect the manner in which you live today. Had these scientists simply dismissed their unexpected results as flukes, and didn't investigate them further to understand what was happening, science itself would be entirely different. Imagine all the discoveries that were at a researchers finger tips, but were simply dismissed. Maybe the cure for cancer, for aids, maybe the answers to nano-technology. Who knows, and nobody ever will. The only way to prevent this in the future is to change the course of science education today. To grade on a student's ability to interpret their results, not their ability to fudge them. Anything else not only does a disservice to the scientific process, but it disgraces and shames it.
In the end, I have come to the conclusion that earning a degree in chemistry has certainly taught me much more scientific knowledge than most people will even begin to grasp. However, at the same time, this knowledge and those memorized details will have little if almost no importance in my future or my life. Yet, the most important result of this education in the sciences has been the ability to think analytically and precisely. To look at problems, and devise solutions. In the end, this is what matters most, and will last the longest.
In the end, I have come to the conclusion that earning a degree in chemistry has certainly taught me much more scientific knowledge than most people will even begin to grasp. However, at the same time, this knowledge and those memorized details will have little if almost no importance in my future or my life. Yet, the most important result of this education in the sciences has been the ability to think analytically and precisely. To look at problems, and devise solutions. In the end, this is what matters most, and will last the longest.
Thursday, June 03, 2004
Good-bye George
So G. Tenet has resigned. I really hope it wasn't over pressures coming from the Hill. Anyways, here was a speech he gave to members of the intelligence community regarding his decision. I especially liked the part about his family. Regardless, it's definitely different from what I have read from the news agencies.
George Tenet:
For the past nine years, I have been privileged to be part of a great American family—the family of American Intelligence. I have lived in the heart of the CIA family. In that long and eventful time, we have shared moments of success and disappointment, of happiness and sorrow.
Today, I share with you news that I gave the President last evening. I have decided to step down as Director of Central Intelligence, effective July 11th, the seventh anniversary of my being sworn in as DCI.
I did not make this decision quickly or easily. But I know in my heart that the time is right to move on to the next phase of our lives.
In an organization as vital as this one there is never a good time to leave. There will always be critical work to be done, threats to be dealt with, and challenges that demand every ounce of energy that a DCI can muster.
We have thrown our hearts into rebuilding our Intelligence Community and I have been richly rewarded with the gratification of working with the finest group of men and women our nation can produce.
I want to say a word of special thanks to President Bush. On entering office he immediately recognized the importance of rebuilding our intelligence capabilities. He spends time with us almost every day. He has shown great care for our officers. He is a great champion for the men and women of US Intelligence and a constant source of support .
It has been an honor for me to serve as his Director of Central Intelligence.
And I am especially proud of the leadership team that we have assembled in the Intelligence Community and which will continue fighting the good fight long after I have taken my leave.
I want to thank Mike Hayden, and Jim Clapper, Jake Jacoby, Pete Teets, John Russack and Tom Fingar for their friendship and support.
As I look back on how the Intelligence Community has evolved over the past decade, there is much to be proud of.
First as Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, and then as Director, I have had the chance to be part of a massive transformation of our intelligence capabilities. That revolution may not make headlines, but it will continue to benefit our country for years to come.
American Intelligence has, after the drought of the post-Cold War years, begun to receive the investments—in people and dollars and attention—that we need to meet the security challenges of a new century and a new world.
You, the men and women of American Intelligence, have put those investments to powerful use. And I believe the American people will continue to demand that this great community of patriots receive the funding and support that you so richly deserve.
At CIA, we have made good progress in rebuilding the Clandestine Service. We have expanded and empowered our corps of analysts. We have restructured and streamlined our support operations. We have developed and acquired the technologies on which intelligence and espionage depend. With new schools and training facilities, we have sharpened instruction for each of our core professions. We are recruiting the finest men and women in our history in record numbers.
These initiatives—and I can talk of only a few—complement those of other intelligence agencies, and our enduring efforts to build what we call ourselves, what I believe us to be: a true community, working more closely than ever with our partners in the military and in law enforcement, and overseas.
We have done these things together—not out of some bureaucratic imperative, but to be better at our mission of protecting American families and the freedoms that make America worth protecting.
For many years now, we have been at war with a deadly threat to the United States and its values: the threat of terrorism. Like other wars, it has been a struggle of battles won and, tragically, battles lost. You have acted with focus and courage through it all, before and after 9/11.
What you have achieved in this fight against a clever, fanatical enemy, around the world—the cells destroyed, the conspiracies defeated, the innocent lives saved—will for most Americans be forever unknown and uncounted. But for those privileged to observe these often hidden successes, they will be an unforgettable testament to your dedication and your valor.
On other issues, too, you have done magnificent work. Outstanding support to American forces—not only in Iraq and Afghanistan, but around the world. Remarkable successes against weapons proliferators and drug traffickers. Unique insights into the full range of dangers and opportunities that face the United States beyond its borders.
In short: each day, here and abroad, from diverse backgrounds, with varied skills, you come together for a single purpose: to give our country an essential advantage—in its understanding of the conditions in the world, and in its ability to change those conditions for the better.
To be sure, there is much yet to do. But there is a strong foundation of talents and resources on which to build.
This I say with exceptional pride: The Central Intelligence Agency and the American Intelligence Community are stronger now than they were when I became DCI seven years ago, and they will be stronger tomorrow than they are today.
That is not my legacy. It is yours.
You have done the hard work, turning new ideas into actions, and new recruits into seasoned officers. You have taken bold risks analytically, operationally, and with powerful technology.
As I often tell younger and older officers—we have put this Agency and our Community on an irreversible course. Directors are stewards of a great institution for very limited periods of time. You are the owners of the institution and in your hands we have placed enormous confidence and trust. I want you to always believe in yourselves and the power that you have - each and every one of you—to ensure that we stay on course—ensure that our families are taken care of—young officers are nourished—and our mission come first always.
Our record is not without flaws. The world of Intelligence is a uniquely human endeavor and as in all human endeavors we all understand the need to always do better. We are not perfect but one of our best kept secrets is that we are very, very, very good.
Whatever our shortcomings, the American people know that we constantly evaluate our performance, always strive to do better, and always tell the truth. These are our values as professional intelligence officers. We get up every day with only one purpose—to protect this country and its families. And I believe to the depth of my soul that Americans are proud of each and every one of you. They have said thank you to me in Peoria, Illinois, in Norman, Oklahoma, in College Station, Texas, in Rochester, New York—everywhere I have ever had a chance to speak about speak about the wonderful men and women that work here.
When I tell people being Director of Central Intelligence is the best job in government—and the best job I will ever have—I say it because of you. Because of your passion, your creativity, your spirit and everything you do every day in taking risks and meeting perils around the world.
Here at CIA, I have had the greatest of colleagues, starting with John McLaughlin—a man of magical warmth, wit—you know his nickname is Merlin—wisdom, and decency, the finest deputy and friend I could ever have and he will be a great acting director.
This is the most difficult decision I have ever had to make. And while Washington and the media will put many different faces on the decision—it was a personal decision—and had only one basis in fact—the well being of my wonderful family. Nothing more and nothing less.
Nine years ago when I became the deputy director, a wonderful young man sitting in the front row was in the second grade. He came right up to my belt—I just saw a picture of the day Judge Freeh swore me in—and he's grown up to be . . .
Anyway, the point is, John Michael is going to be a senior next year. I'm going to be a senior with him in high school.
We're going to go to class together. We're going to party together. I'm going to learn how to instant message his friends—that would be an achievement!
You've just been a great son, and I'm now going to be a great dad. Thank God you look like your mother. You're damned good looking.
The most important woman in my life, who I refer to as the home minister . . . look, if I could tell you the number of times I get an elbow in the middle of the night about what I've forgot to do for families at the CIA and our spouses and for our kids . . . honey, you'll be the best first lady this institution has ever had, and I love you. You are terrific.
You have all given us so much warmth, so much support and encouragement. The most difficult part of this decision was knowing that I would not be here with you every day—in our offices, the cafeteria, conference rooms or the gym—but I do hope I have earned a lifetime membership.
It is difficult in knowing that I will not be as directly connected to the thousands of men and women overseas who along with their families sacrifice so much to protect our country.
But there is also great joy in knowing that I will never be far away in heart and spirit from all of you. You will have no greater advocate wherever I may be for you and your families.
So, I wanted to see you all today—to tell you personally about all of this. Fully recognizing that we will have more time over the next few weeks to be together in your workspaces so that we can thank you for what you have done for us.
And so, as I tell you about my plans to depart—with sadness, but with my head held very, very high, as yours should always be because what you do is critical to everything our nation stands for—its goodness, its decency and its courage.
I want to thank you for the support you have given me and my family. For being colleagues and friends. You will always be in our thoughts and prayers. It has been an honor for us—for Stephanie, for John Michael—to be by your side.
It has been the greatest privilege of my life to be your Director.
May God always bless you and bless your families.
As Dick Helms used to say, let's get on with it and get back to work.
Tuesday, June 01, 2004
Captain Lex
I would like to congratulate Lex on his recent promotion to Captain in the U.S. Navy. Pretty damn impressive. For those of you who don't read his site... you should! Best stuff out there in my opinion.
trans-Atlantic Flip Flop
I wrote the following essay for another purpose, but I thought I would post it here also.
Aside from being one of the greatest tragedies in American history, September 11th also marked a surprising flip-flop in regards to American and European perceptions of terrorism. Prior to that date, few Americans considered foreign terrorism to be a threat to their own safety. Despite a few domestic terrorism events like the Oklahoma City bombing, most Americans largely associated the idea of terrorism as a middle-eastern or European phenomenon that only became an issue when traveling abroad. Europe, on the other hand, has consistently dealt with fear of terrorism since the end of World War II. From the Munich Olympics, Carlos the Jackal, various airline highjackings, Pan-Am Flight 103, to the Barcelona supermarket bombing, Europeans knew they were susceptible targets of terrorism regardless of what international boundaries they resided within. Perhaps it was this ability to empathize with the American pain and fear after 9/11 that initially caused such trans-Atlantic support. So much so that Le Monde, which soon became a harsh critic of U.S. policy stated, “We are all Americans.” However, this sentiment was short lived as the United States began its War on Terror. For the first time, it was the Europeans who largely wanted to ignore the threat of terrorism, while Americans accepted the possibility of increased danger in order to hopefully eradicate the threat. During the two years following 9/11, many American pundits suggested that Europe’s seemingly dovish attitude was a result of its not having experienced a tragedy on the scale of the WTC and Pentagon attacks. Yet, this was soon to change.
On the morning of March 11th, 2004 Madrid, Spain suffered its worst terrorist attack since the end of the Spanish Civil War, some 65 years past. However, unlike the pundits predicted, suffering this attack by no means strengthened the Spanish resolve to fight terrorism. Convinced that the attack was a result of the Spanish involvement in Operation Iraqi Freedom, Spaniards flocked to the polling stations to oust Jose Maria Aznar’s Popular Party, which supported the unpopular war. Many attribute this surprising result to the people’s perceived deception by the PP’s initial suggestion that ETA, the Basque separatist group, was responsible for the attacks, not radical Islamic fundamentalists. But, the PP presented the material as they received it and to initially label ETA as the culprit was not unfounded. Especially considering that only two weeks before 3/11, Spanish police intercepted a large load of ETA explosives headed for Madrid, the previous December police foiled an ETA plot to blow up a train in Madrid, and finally, the previous summer police arrested ETA members who had planted explosives on a Madrid train track. The attack certainly seemed to fit with ETA’s newfound fascination with explosives and trains. Yet, Aznar’s announcement that al-Qaeda appeared connected was too late for many voters. Not to mention that the recent attacks mobilized the normally dormant socialist voters, causing a rise in voter turnout of almost 10% compared to the 2000 election.
The result was that Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, the socialist candidate, was able to defeat Mariano Rajoy, Aznar’s successor. Such a change will not only hinder the U.S. effort in Iraq, as Zapatero has pledged to remove Spanish troops from the coalition forces, but also on the home front against a still dangerous ETA. Aznar’s tough stance against ETA lead many Spanish scholars to believe that the group’s days were limited, and what will happen now is unknown.
Based on the events of 3/11, it does not appear that Europe’s dovish attitude is a result of a belief that it is exempt from attacks. Rather, it seems to be due to the idea that it really can be excluded from terrorism as long as it distances itself from U.S. policy. Hopefully without further bloodshed, Europeans will begin to understand that it is not their association with America that makes them a target, it is their freedom, their secularism, and their way of life. For in the end, the radical Islamic fundamentalist’s goal is a world ruled by Islamic Law, something Europe certainly doesn’t have or desire. Only when Europeans realize that isolation will not protect them, may they understand the importance of being proactive in the war on terror.
Aside from being one of the greatest tragedies in American history, September 11th also marked a surprising flip-flop in regards to American and European perceptions of terrorism. Prior to that date, few Americans considered foreign terrorism to be a threat to their own safety. Despite a few domestic terrorism events like the Oklahoma City bombing, most Americans largely associated the idea of terrorism as a middle-eastern or European phenomenon that only became an issue when traveling abroad. Europe, on the other hand, has consistently dealt with fear of terrorism since the end of World War II. From the Munich Olympics, Carlos the Jackal, various airline highjackings, Pan-Am Flight 103, to the Barcelona supermarket bombing, Europeans knew they were susceptible targets of terrorism regardless of what international boundaries they resided within. Perhaps it was this ability to empathize with the American pain and fear after 9/11 that initially caused such trans-Atlantic support. So much so that Le Monde, which soon became a harsh critic of U.S. policy stated, “We are all Americans.” However, this sentiment was short lived as the United States began its War on Terror. For the first time, it was the Europeans who largely wanted to ignore the threat of terrorism, while Americans accepted the possibility of increased danger in order to hopefully eradicate the threat. During the two years following 9/11, many American pundits suggested that Europe’s seemingly dovish attitude was a result of its not having experienced a tragedy on the scale of the WTC and Pentagon attacks. Yet, this was soon to change.
On the morning of March 11th, 2004 Madrid, Spain suffered its worst terrorist attack since the end of the Spanish Civil War, some 65 years past. However, unlike the pundits predicted, suffering this attack by no means strengthened the Spanish resolve to fight terrorism. Convinced that the attack was a result of the Spanish involvement in Operation Iraqi Freedom, Spaniards flocked to the polling stations to oust Jose Maria Aznar’s Popular Party, which supported the unpopular war. Many attribute this surprising result to the people’s perceived deception by the PP’s initial suggestion that ETA, the Basque separatist group, was responsible for the attacks, not radical Islamic fundamentalists. But, the PP presented the material as they received it and to initially label ETA as the culprit was not unfounded. Especially considering that only two weeks before 3/11, Spanish police intercepted a large load of ETA explosives headed for Madrid, the previous December police foiled an ETA plot to blow up a train in Madrid, and finally, the previous summer police arrested ETA members who had planted explosives on a Madrid train track. The attack certainly seemed to fit with ETA’s newfound fascination with explosives and trains. Yet, Aznar’s announcement that al-Qaeda appeared connected was too late for many voters. Not to mention that the recent attacks mobilized the normally dormant socialist voters, causing a rise in voter turnout of almost 10% compared to the 2000 election.
The result was that Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, the socialist candidate, was able to defeat Mariano Rajoy, Aznar’s successor. Such a change will not only hinder the U.S. effort in Iraq, as Zapatero has pledged to remove Spanish troops from the coalition forces, but also on the home front against a still dangerous ETA. Aznar’s tough stance against ETA lead many Spanish scholars to believe that the group’s days were limited, and what will happen now is unknown.
Based on the events of 3/11, it does not appear that Europe’s dovish attitude is a result of a belief that it is exempt from attacks. Rather, it seems to be due to the idea that it really can be excluded from terrorism as long as it distances itself from U.S. policy. Hopefully without further bloodshed, Europeans will begin to understand that it is not their association with America that makes them a target, it is their freedom, their secularism, and their way of life. For in the end, the radical Islamic fundamentalist’s goal is a world ruled by Islamic Law, something Europe certainly doesn’t have or desire. Only when Europeans realize that isolation will not protect them, may they understand the importance of being proactive in the war on terror.

